A ProPublica investigation, published with The New York Times Magazine, follows one police officer in Ingram, Texas. Patrol officer Jaron Alexander helped his small town join a federal program that deputizes local police to carry out immigration enforcement. The story shows how the Trump administration's deportation push reaches far beyond big-city raids. 1
Ingram has about 1,900 residents and covers 1.5 square miles beside the Guadalupe River. Alexander told ProPublica he suggested the town look into a partnership with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). He said he told the police chief that the sheriff's office had a deal with ICE and that it might help the department grow. 1
It’s my fault in a way.
How the program works
The program is called 287(g). Its most aggressive version, the "task force model," which Ingram chose, enlists local officers as deputy immigration agents. 1
In September 2025, ICE announced new incentives. They included a $100,000 vehicle stipend, a $7,500 equipment stipend for every participating officer, quarterly performance bonuses, and money toward officer salaries and overtime. 1
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Alexander finished an online ICE course. That qualified him for time-and-a-half pay whenever he helped the agency pick up immigrants. 1
What happened in Ingram
Within three months of a baptism-party noise call in early October 2025, Alexander and the town's other patrol officer had delivered at least 70 people to immigration agents. Within a year, ProPublica reports, they handed over the equivalent of 10% of Ingram's population. 1
The stops landed on a community still recovering from the July 2025 Guadalupe River flood, which killed at least 139 people. Construction workers rebuilding the area were being pulled over on Ingram's main road. 1
One stop was personal. After Christmas, Alexander stopped a truck carrying Ulices Macias, who is undocumented, ProPublica reports. Macias is the husband of Joanna Martinez and the father of her 2-week-old daughter. Alexander let the family hug before an ICE agent put the handcuffs back on Macias. 1
Alexander said images of the family he broke up stayed with him for months. He kept working his shifts. 1
The local toll
An earlier local report found the enforcement was hurting the flood rebuild. Business owner Steve Edelstein told Hoodline that once officers started picking people up, framers, painters and concrete crews stopped showing up. Contractors and volunteers there said the lost workers were delaying projects. 2
started picking people up
Hoodline reported that DHS and ICE defend 287(g) as a focused tool for removing dangerous criminals. Advocates say it can discourage immigrants from working or seeking disaster help. The Ingram police chief did not respond to reporters' requests for comment, Hoodline said, citing KSAT. 2
What happens next
The ProPublica excerpt does not say whether Ingram will end its agreement. The program's money keeps flowing to local departments. That matters because small towns, not only big cities, now carry out a national deportation campaign. 1
Alexander was fired from the county sheriff's office after an internal investigation, and Ingram later hired him back. He denies the affair that investigation alleged. 1
The Record
- A flood along the Guadalupe River in the Texas Hill Country killed at least 139 people, ProPublica reports. 1
- ICE announced new incentives for 287(g) partners, including a $100,000 vehicle stipend and $7,500 per officer. 1
- Hoodline reported that enforcement around Ingram had cut the rebuild labor pool. 2
Sources
- ProPublica, “A Texas Cop Signed on to Help ICE Deport His Neighbors. It Tore the Town Apart.” (2026-10-25). propublica.org/article/deportations-ingram-texas-287g-jaron-
- Hoodline, “ICE deal leaves Hill Country rebuild hanging by a nail” (2026-05-19). hoodline.com/2026/05/ice-deal-leaves-hill-country-rebuild-ha
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